BIBLIOGRAPHY

Axelrod, Alan, and Charles L. Phillips. "Pact of the Arab League." Encyclopedia of Historical Treaties and Alliances: From the 1930s to the Present, vol. 2. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2006. Modern World History Online. Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?


Egypt and Israel. "Egyptian-Israeli Agreement on the Sinai and the Suez Canal." Modern World History Online. Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?


Goldschmidt, Arthur, Jr. "British occupation of Egypt and nationalist resistance." A Brief History of Egypt, New York: Facts On File: Inc., 2008. Modern World History Online, Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?

Goldschmidt, Arthur, Jr. "Egypt's early independence." A Brief History of Egypt, Brief History. New York: Facts On File: Inc., 2008. Modern World History Online, Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?


Goldschmidt, Arthur, Jr. "Egypt under Anwar Sadat." A Brief History of Egypt, Brief History. New York: Facts On File: Inc., 2008. Modern World History Online, Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?

Goldschmidt, Arthur, Jr. "Military rule and Arab nationalism in Egypt." A Brief History of Egypt, Brief History. New York: Facts On File: Inc., 2008. Modern World History Online, Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?


Goldschmidt, Arthur, Jr. "Palestine question, World War II, and Egypt." A Brief History of Egypt, Brief History. New York: Facts On File: Inc., 2008. Modern World History Online, Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?

Goldschmidt, Arthur, Jr. "Socialism in Egypt." A Brief History of Egypt, Brief History. New York: Facts On File: Inc., 2008. Modern World History Online, Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?

"Israeli-Egyptian Peace Treaty." The Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States. Modern World History Online. Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?

McMahon, S. F. "Suez crisis." In Pubantz, Jerry, and John Allphin Moore Jr. Encyclopedia of the United Nations, Second Edition. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2008. Modern World History Online. Facts On File, http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?

Phillips, Charles, and Alan Axelrod. "Arab-Israeli War, 1948." Encyclopedia of Wars, vol. 1. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2005. Modern World History Online. Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?

Phillips, Charles, and Alan Axelrod. "Six-Day War." Encyclopedia of Wars, vol.1. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2005. Modern World History Online. Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?

Rasmussen, R. Kent. "Nasser, Gamal Abdel." Modern African Political Leaders, Global Profiles. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 1998. Modern World History Online. Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?

Terry, Janice J. "Arab League." In Mattar, Phillip, ed. Encyclopedia of the Palestinians, Revised Edition. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2005. Modern World History Online. Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp ItemID=WE53&iPin=EPAL042&SingleRecord=True.

Terry, Janice J. "Egyptian revolution, 1956." In Ackermann, Marsha E., Michael Schroeder, Janice J. Terry, Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur, and Mark F.Whitters, eds. Encyclopedia of World History: The Contemporary World, 1950 to the Present, vol. 6. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2008. Modern World History Online. Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/activelink2.asp?

1979 Israeli-Egyptian Peace

Written by Anwar Sadat

This day is one of the most successful days of Egyptian history, and I am overly excited to play a major role in making this day happen. It was today that Israeli’s prime minister, Menachem Begin, and I signed Israeli-Egyptian Peace Treaty, ending more than thirty years of conflict. Fighting began in 1948 after the partition of Palestine and Israel’s declaration of independence, and continued until 1974 when a ceasefire was negotiated, along with few other agreements. This marked the very beginning of a period of tranquility for Israel. Tensions were reduced, and many people believed that Egypt had been effectively neutralized in the military conflict.

Another step towards peace took place in 1977, when a new government in Israel took over. This was when Prime Minister Begin was elected, who was committed to working for permanent peace in the region and called upon other Arab leaders to negotiate. Jimmy Carter also came into office in the United States in January of that year, who sought to establish a set of principles that might serve as the basics for negotiations between the two sides. Begin and Carter however, had opposing ideas about the peace process. On October 1, 1977, the United States and the Soviet Union issued a joint statement on the Middle East that brought the Soviets back into the forefront of the peace process, to they dismay of both Israel and Egypt.

It was at this time that I decided to change what was happening and announced, on Novermber 9, 1977, to the Egyptian National Assembly that I was ready to go to Jerusalem to discuss the situation face-to-face with the Israelis. I thought that I would try to recover lands lost by the Arabs in 1967 and obtain recognition of the right of the Palestinians to a homeland. Begin welcomed my offer and invited me to Israel. On November 19, I arrived in Israel and met with the Israeli leaders. No immediate process was made during this trip, but I believe that the visit itself had a fundamental effect on both sides. In my opinion, the process of moving toward peace through direct negotiation had begun.

Since Israel could not be defeated militarily and the cost of continued conflict was becoming unbearable, I felt that the military option was no longer a viable one. Instead, I took what others called a dramatic action, and on November 26, 1977, I invited all parties in the Arab-Israeli conflict, plus the Soviet Union, the United States, and the United Nations, to send representatives to Cairo to discuss the issue. My invitation was accepted by Israel, the United States, and the United Nations and rejected by all Arab states and the Soviet Union. The Cairo Conference opened on December 14 and various meeting took place. Negotiations continued over the following month.

Begin, on the other hand, was “a strong man and serious as far as his desire to act.”[1] In response to domestic pressures, he announced a proposal plan for the creation of 31 new settlements in the territories. The actions taken by Begin caused me a great amount of concern, and he was asked to choose peace with the Arabs over territory.

Then, in August of last year, Carter sent handwritten invitations to the leaders of Israel and Egypt to come to the United States to meet with him at Camp David, in Maryland, in early September. I was sure to give and immediate affirmative response, and later found out that Begin did the same. I was sure that the Camp David Summit was the last chance for a peaceful settlement.

There was no time limit set for the duration of the meetings, and we were isolated from the rest of the world (especially the press). After thirteen long days at the Summit, I went to the White House along with Carter and Begin on September 17, 1978, to announce the conclusion of two agreements. We signed a Framework for Peace in the Middle East Agreed at Camp David and a Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty Between Egypt and Israel. Together, the documents provided a basis for continuing negotiations leading to agreements between Israel and the Arab states.

And here today, the Peace Treaty is a product of the 1978 Camp David Accords. I felt nothing but relief, accomplishment, and pride as I signed the treaty at the White House today at the White House. The treaty has made Egypt the first country to formally acknowledge Israel as a nation. Among the conditions of the treaty were the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Sinai, the opening of the Suez Canal to Israel, and the deployment of United Nations troops along the Egypt-Israel border. I cannot hold in my happiness that as of today, the conflict is settled, and I’m sure that all the people of Egypt are relieved that fighting is over.


[1] Yoram Meital, Egypt’s Struggle for peace: continuity and change, 1967-1977 (United States: University Press of Florida, 1977), 165.


Watch Camp David at EncycloMedia.com


1975 President Anwar Sadat

Written by Anwar Sadat, who took the role of president when Nasser passed away

When my good friend Nasser passed away, I was honored to know that he left me in charge of his position. I had always been a loyal friend to him and it was worth it to see hum return the favor. Although I did respect Nasser’s previous tactics I began to steer away from his policies. In October of 1971 I ventured to Moscow seeking more soldiers to assist in the fight with Israel. I was convinced that would be the year that peace would come to Egypt and Israel and the constant conflicts would stop. I was a little disheartened when Israel and the United States did not accept my offer to reopen the Suez Canal in replacement for limited Israel pullback in the Sinai Canal. 1971 came to an end, my goal of piece was neither reached or put farther out of reality and the war with Israel was not renewed.

My proposal of the “Federation of the Arab Republics” startled the Soviets. They did not like the idea of Syria, Libya, and Egypt working together. The new Libyan leader Muammar Gadhafi desired a strong alliance between Egypt and Libya. He admired all of Nasser’s accomplishments and strategies so much that he gave control over his country’s oil wealth to me, Nasser’s successor. Many informed me of their suspicions, that Gadhafi would try to replace me, so I kept an eye on him.

To Moscow’s dismay, I did not agree to their Pro-Commuinist Sudanese Coup of 1971. I was not attracted to their demands of more of their bases locatd on Egytpian soil, especially when they refused to accept high-ranking Egyptian officers into the bases they already possessed. Although the Soviets were very popular in Egypt under Nasser when they decided to facilitate our war efforts, this fondness had vanished five years later. They did not respect Egypt’s wishes to nationalize so I dismissed most Soviet technicians from Egypt on July 7, 1972. Those who chose to stay had to work under Egyptian rules. The Soviets were allowed to keep their Navel bases but the number of their troops in Egypt dropped from 20,000 to less than 1,000. Their accelerated weapons we also withdrawn.

I tried again to approach the West, asking to buy their advanced forms of armory. This request was postponed in 1972 when 11 Israeli athletes were killed by Palestinians in the Munich Olympics and anti-Arab feelings heightened. I did renew our ties with the Soviets, augmented their naval facilities, and continued to purchase weapons from them. In 1973 I stated in an interview, “The Soviets are providing us now with everything that’s possible for them to supply. And I am now quite satisfied.” I was eager to resume war with Israel and hinted to some that Egypt would declare war to occupy the Sinai Peninsula. Israel issued some back up troops but no one took my threat that seriously.

1971 Reaction to Revolution

Written by an Egyptian Socialist

Some of my memories of Egypt in the 1960’s are very pleasant to look back on. Our life style became increasingly better when Egypt turned in the direction of state-directed socialism, modeling after the Soviet Union. In 1961 the nationalization of large businesses, industries, banks, and more, produced positive feedback from the Egyptian socialists. Peasants were treated more fairly and given more support and the power of the bourgeoisie started to diminish over time.

In 1962 a new political party was developed with a worker-peasant membership, the Arab Socialist Union or ASU. In 1962 the National charter was introduced. I remember how alleviated I was to know that this program included education, health care, and other social services. It also shed light on the constant dilemma of birth control and family planning. One of my favorite things about the charter was it’s demanding the equality of women in the workplace, something I felt should have been accomplished a long time ago. The conservative Egyptians objected to these new social changes in our society. They wanted things back the way they were, especially the way women were looked at.

Although the revolution did not reach all of it’s planned goals and the economy was frequently incompetent, Under the rule of our great King Nasser, Egypt became the superior leader of the Arabs. Egypt’s decision to remain neutral in the 1950s caused unfriendliness in Western powers, especially Saudi Arabia. Nasser’s unexpected death in 1970 did not help our conditions. Many felt like all hope was lost with the life of their loyal and able ruler. Anwar el-Sadat was elected the new president and reversed many of the programs that had been established in the 1960’s. His newly formed alliance with the United States did help our country work through some of it’s problems.

1968 Six-Day War

Written by an Egyptian Civillian

Despite Israel’s previous warnings of attack on the Arab states, our president, Nasser, decided to break the agreements we had with Israel, resulting in a terrible war. By the end of the 1967 the straight of Tiran was closed, Iraqi troops were sent to Jordan, the Egyptian-Jordan defense pact was signed, and the U.N. peacekeeping forces were withdrawn. These were all of the circumstances Israel named when stating their conditions for going to war with the Arab states. I was shocked that Nasser would ignore these threats but most people were not worried of Israel’s military accomplishments.

All of the Arab forces were prepared for what they thought would be a round of guerilla attacks along the border. Israel shocked their opponents, the world, and us when they launched a massive air attack on June fifth. This raid from the sky, led by the Israeli chief of staff, Itzhak Rabin destroyed more than 400 Egyptian, Syrian, and Jordanian aircraft on the ground. The demolition of these machines was devastating to us because it made up the bulk of our aircraft and we knew it would be a great barrier on the road to victory. The war ended with a cease fire after 6 days but the casualties were brutal, 800 Israeli dead, 11,500 Egyptians dead, 700 Syrians dead, 2000 Jordanian dead, 100 Iraqi dead, and thousands missing and wounded from both sides.

On June 9th Nasser surprised us all with his televised resignation. He blamed himself for the destruction the war had caused. Nasser took full responsibility admitting that the war was poor planned, poorly lead, and the over confidence of the Arab states lead to their downfall. I remember the crowds of angry Egyptians swarming the streets in protest just minutes after the announcement was made. I am sure that Nasser was surprised by the extreme loyalty of his people and this is what convinced him to return to office by the end of the day.

1965 The Arab Cold War

Written by Nasser

With the huge conflict going on with Israel, others forgot about Egypt’s relation with other Arab countries, which were just as problematic. After Syria’s withdrawal from the UAR, I now felt isolated within the Arab world. Under its revolutionary leader, Abd al-Karim Qasim, Iraq was a fierce rival up until two years ago. Jordan and Saudi Arabia, as monarchies, opposed republican socialism and Syria criticized Egypt and the Arab League. Yunisi and Libya have always been opposed to my idea, and Morocco under King Hasen II was joining them. Anyone would be able to feel my pain, as I was extremely discouraged at this point.

However, when Algeria won its independence in June 1962, after a bitter eight-year war against France, President Ahmad Ben Bella became a firm ally of mine. I also began to gain new allies in 1963, when successive military coups brought Baathists to power in Iraq and Syria. Requests from these new regimes convinced me to start talks to revive the United Arab Republic. However, despite our shared commitment to Arab unity and socialism, we differed on the terms of their union. I tried to prove to them that with our larger populations and longer commitment to Arab socialism, Egypt deserved more power. Angered, I had no choice but to distrust the Syrian Baathists, for they had sabotaged the earlier UAR. On the other hand, I became fond of Iraq’s new leader, Abd al-Salam Arif, who had brokedn with Qasim to promote Arab unity, and suffered exile and imprisonment. But then even Iraq’s Baathists began to reject my ideas, so I reluctantly put off this new federation. Sooner or later, I felt that Iraq, Syria, and Egypt were driven away.

But sooner or later, I learned that the cause of Arab unity was better served by its enemy’s actions rather than by those of its friends. In other words, Arab unity was granted as the Arab nations worked together to defend themselves from Israel. Israel had begun its National Water Carrier Project, utilizing Lake Tiberias to irrigate farms and bring water to its cities, towns, and new settlements. Then, in 1954, President Eisanhower had sent special request to the Middle East to promote a plan for developing the Jordan River valley and sharing its water among Israel, Jordan, and Syria. Of course, the Arab state rejected the plan politically because it would mean recognizing Israel. But two years ago, Israel began enjoying what would have been its share of Jordan River waters under the plan, alarming the Arab nations.

Knowing there was not too much we could do about the situation. I called a summit meeting of all Arab kings and other heads of state. I somehow managed to convince them that they were not ready to fight Israel. We agreed to study ways to redirect the Jordan Rivers’ sources in Syria and Lebanon so that Israel could not take our water, but overall the meeting didn’t achieve anything concrete.

Early last year, I was pleased when the UAR adopted a new constitution and held elections for the local, provincial, and national councils of the Arab Socialist Union. All delegates had to be over thirty years old and able to read and write, and at least half had to be workers of peasants. However, this was a high-minded goal for a country most of whose population was illiterate. I couldn’t help but become upset when I noticed that many of the Free Officers were leaving the UAR cabinet, possibly because they opposed Arab Socialism, wanted more freedom, or saw greater opportunities for advancement outside the government. In addition to this, I was disappointed that the new ministers were mostly leaders who lacked an independent power base.

At the moment, things are not looking too good for the country, with tensions present between both Egypt and Arab nations, and Israel. I can only hope that we become more successful, and that Arab unity becomes stronger.

1962 Arab Socialism

Written by Nasser

In 1955, it began to strike me that our regime began as a nationalist revolution with no general ideology. The problem was that nationalism alone was not an adequate social philosophy. I gradually began to realize that Egypt needed guiding principals to solve our social problems. For this reason, I created a new ideology of socialism for the country. Before I go into more detail, I’d like to point out that “socialism” can have a lot of meanings. It can mean state ownership of factories and other means of production, workers’ participation in the management of industries, national policies aimed at equalizing personal incomes, or state economic planning. When speaking of Egypt, the term “socialism” should be applied to state ownership and management of the means of production. In that sense it was not unusual, for already factories and irrigation works are state enterprises.

I’ll admit that I was not always a so-called “socialist.” Seven years ago, I was at the Bandung Conference in which I met with Asian socialist leaders. A year later, the 1956 constitution promised the government to strive for social justice by raising living standards and providing old age benefits, public health, and social insurance, however free enterprise and private property were also respected. Then it was the formation of the United Arab Republic in 1958 that had brought me in contact with a more developed socialist ideology than I had ever known before. During its three years of existence, the UAR tried to develop a distinct Arab interpretation of socialism. Syria’s Baath Party was the first Arab movement to attempt a combination of both nationalism and socialism. It left major traces including the slogan, “freedom, Socialism, Unity,” which the UAR adopted for itself.

Egypt’s early nationalist, including myself, criticized foreign ownership of our utilities and factories. I knew I had to do something and eventually it was an injustice corrected by my nationalization decrees after the Suez War. I believe it was then people started to see and resent the widening economic gap between oil-rich counties like Saudi Arabia and those poor in petroleum and natural gas like the UAR. It was decided that if the Arabs combined their military and political power, they would share their economic resources to create a strong state that would guarantee a decent living standard to everyone. As first step at doing this, the UAR in 1958-1959 required new industrial firms to be licensed, barred any person from being a director of more than one corporation, placed 13 public utility companies under the state audit department, nationalized the large banks, subjected most newspapers and publishing houses to the National Union, and drew up its first five-year plan, which expressly aimed at doubling the national income in 10 years. In addition to this, new laws were created last July:

1. The regulation of most industries

2. The nationalization of businesses such as textiles, tobacco, pharmaceuticals, shipping, and all banks and insurance firms not already under state ownership

3. Income redistribution, whereby no Egyptian could receive an annual salary above £E 5000 ($11,500) and incomes above £E 10,000 ($23,000) were to be taxed at 90 percent

4. Land reform, under which the maximum individual landholding was reduced from 200 to 100 feddans (Arabic unit of area; 1 feddan=1.038 acres), with the excess to be distributed among peasants, and all future peasant loans would be free of interest.

I think these laws will turn out to be extremely beneficial to Egypt and other Arab nations, and I plan on passing more laws that will weaken the Egyptian bourgeoisie and eliminate the domination of large landowners.

However, I do wish to mention that since the creation of these laws, the National Union has failed to provoke UAR citizens behind me, for it has been corrupted by reactionaries. For this reason, I proposed a National Congress of Popular Forces last October to form a revolutionary organization: the Arab Socialist Union (ASU). The congress is open to workers, peasants, intellectuals, professionals, military men, and owners whose property was not based on exploitation. Students and women are also represented. When the congress met in May of this year, I presented a new National Charter in which I summarized Egypt’s modern history, explain why Arab socialism had become the country’s guiding ideology, stated our aims and framework, and repeated the UAR’s basic domestic and foreign policies. I also have decided, for the first time, to accept family planning as necessary to resist Egypt’s overpopulation. I waited anxiously for six weeks as the Congress debated my charter, and was finally relieved when I got news last week that it was officially passed.

I am proud to say that Egypt is now politically, economically, intellectually, and socially committed to an ambitious modernization program. However, it can only be achieved if we remain at peace with our neighbors. Fortunately, with the United States selling wheat for Egyptian pounds, support from the USSR, and other countries giving aid independently, I am confident that modernization will succeed.

1958 President Gamal Abdel Nasser

Written by Gamal Abdel Nasser, President of Egypt from 1954-his death (September 1970)

Looking back on my earlier years, I cannot believe I have made it this far, I have become the King of Egypt. I started out serving the military. I remember the awful conditions of the Egyptian army and the constant presence of the British troops. In 1942 King Faud I dispersed the government that the British preferred. The British responded by ordering their troops to enclose the royal palace until the King agreed to a Wafdist cabinet under Nahas Pasha. This event was humiliating and it marks where I first decided that I wanted to make a difference in Egypt and formed the Free Officers, a group of men who were dedicated to winning Egypt’s freedom from the British. I spent a great deal of time trying to organize this group. It almost took a decade for our plans to be put into action but it would prove to be worth it.

The performance in the war between the Arabs and Israeli people was terrible. I was furious at King Farouk for not supplying our troops with the proper equipment necessary to keep our soldiers in their best condition for fighting. In 1951 the hatred towards the British grew, and small outbreaks between officers turned into small wars. There was chaos throughout the streets and numerous assassinations due to the fact that British troops still remained in the Suez canal. Farouk became less and less popular when he began stacking the government positions with good friends and relatives who were not well equipped for the job. Everyone was fed up when he appointed his brother-in-law as the minister of war.

It was finally time to put all the time spent organizing the free officers into use. We peacefully secured power over the government, shedding no blood. King Farouk was overwhelmed and abdicated, fleeing into permanent exile and leaving the throne to his infant son Fraud II. I knew this arrangement would not go over well with the people of Egypt so I made the well-liked General Muhammad Naguib head of the new government’s counsel of revolution. About a year later, Naguib was proclaimed president and I was upgraded to vice president, Fraud was taken out of power.

In the beginning of the revolution, I was satisfied to let Naguib take the title of nominal head of the government. I did not think of titles as important, most people felt as if I was in control anyway. Then we began to get in arguments over the directions we wanted to lead Egypt towards. Naguib insisted on introducing the idea that Egypt evolve into a parliamentary democracy. I did not agree with this form of action at all and tried to negotiate with Naguib but he would not budge on the idea. I finally had to take matters into my own hands and arrest him, making myself the head of the government. We did not have the same views and goals. My main hopes for Egypt have always been their complete independence and the formation of social justice, something which I have worked hard to achieve.

1956 Suez Crisis

Written by the wife of an Egyptian Soldier

The Suez Canal brought Egypt a lot of prosperity, as well as strife. In 1956 the Suez crisis occurred. Britain and France disapproved of Egypt’s efforts to nationalize the Suez Canal Company and decided to do something about it. They let Israel in on their scheme to invade Egypt and take control of the Suez Canal. Israel agreed to the alliance because we denied them access to the canal, which they were hoping, would be lifted if the war were won. On October 29, 1956, Israel invaded Egypt and Britain and France followed on November fifth and sixth. The United States Administration, international community, and the United Nations admonished this event so the foreign troops were instructed to return to their countries. I was relieved that the United States considered this attack as too aggressive. I did not want our country to go into another brutal and long war where many more would be killed.

The aggression against Egypt caused two United Nations Security Council resolutions and one General Assembly resolution. A week following the invasion, Britain and France filed a complaint that produced Security Council Resolution 118, the decision was unanimous. On October 31 Egypt lodged a complaint against France and Britain that concluded in Security Council resolution 119. The vote was seven in favor, and two objections. The resolutions were that there would be open passing through the canal with respect to Egyptian powers, a cease-fire and withdrawal of troops, and the continuation of the Suez Canal. I think everyone was pretty much happy with the results of their complaints. Israel was permitted to use the canal but they had to follow our rules, and there would be no huge war, which was good to hear. My husband is a soldier and I am close with many of his friends who also serve our great country. I get nervous when I hear rumors of a battle because I never know if my husband will return safely. For now I am thankful that he is not fighting and is safe here with me.

1952 Black Saturday

Written by an Egyptian Nationalist

The Egyptian people are finally taking a stand against the British who are still in control of our country. The British rulers granted us our independence but still remain in Egypt. All the fighting between the British soldiers and the Egyptian police force has led to a massive riot called “Black Saturday” that I am proud to have taken part in.

On Saturday a myriad of furious Egyptian mobs raided the European sectors. We set European- owned buildings and businesses to flame, everything was chaotic. Our goal was to show our nationalist objection to imperial rule and the British declining our demands to return to their country, and leave ours in peace. I hope this demonstration will remind the British that we are prepared to fight for our complete freedom no matter what it takes.

1949 Arab-Israeli War

Written by Abd al-Rahman Azzam,an Egyptian politician who eventually becomes secretary-general

When the British won control over Arab Palestine in 1917 and tried to turn it into a Jewish state, anyone could have guessed that the act would lead to conflict. By 1936, thirty percent of the population in Palestine was Jewish, due to the rise of Nazi Germany. Palestinian Arabs feared they would soon turn into a minority in their own country, and soon revolutions broke out against the British. They often turned to us for help, and in response we tried to assist them to the best of our abilities, politically and economically more than militarily. As we became more involved in the Palestine question, many Egyptians began to view themselves as Arabs for the first time. Nationalist ideas against Britain and the Zionists soon broke out and we decided to hold an Arab unity conference along with other Arab nations that took place in Alexandria, Egypt, in October of 1944. It was this conference that made me realize that something must be done. The Arab nations had to join together to form a larger power to support Palestine and keep foreign nations out.

I remember when the League was officially formed. Its original members were Egypt, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Transjordan, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen. I became the first secretary-general of the Arab League, and from then on, I became a proud spokesperson for pan-Arabism and Palestinian rights to self-determination. I was also a strong believer that “The Arabs are [were] the nation of the future.” [1] The League was formed first and foremost to prevent a Jewish Palestine and create closer ties between Arab nations. The Pact written by the members of the Arab league in 1945, even include a “special annex” regarding Palestine, “Her international existence and independence in the legal sense cannot, therefore, be questioned, any more than could the independence of the other Arab countries.”[2] But rivalries and tensions among league members weakened the body and often made it impossible for the league to adopt common policies. Unable to effectively resist the growing Zionism in Palestine, the league came under the dominance of an Egypt struggling to free itself from French and British colonial past and for this reason, did not become the ally for which Britain had hoped. Instead, we used the league to develop and common Arab front against the continued British and French military in the Middle East as well as against Zionism. It is still my dream to have one united Arab nation of which Palestine was an included part.

A huge turnover took place at the end of World War II, when Great Britain was no longer able economically, politically, or militarily, control Palestine. The British withdrew from Palestine just over a year ago, in May 1948. War immediately broke out as Ben-Gurion declared the establishment of the independent state of Israel. Israeli forces got ready for the approaching war against Arab states and the Palestinians. They were well organized and trained with a unified chain of command and a plan for securing all territory set aside for the new state, and numbered about 60,000. On the other hand, our Arab forces numbered about 40,000 and the Palestinian population remained crushed from their earlier defeat by the British after the revolts from 1936-1939. Our armies also suffered from inferior weapons and corrupt leadership, and we had not created an effective plan for military victory.

It is needless to say that we still had a chance at one point, for on the very first day that Israeli was formally created; some Arab nations sent forces into the new country and seized territory in southern and eastern Palestine. If only we had been more prepared for the war, for it was here that the strong-minded Israeli army became determined to halt our advance. Early this year, the Israelis succeeded in pushing back their invaders. The United Nations secured a four-week truce in June, but in July fighting had started up again. Periods of truce and war alternated throughout the year. Israel started seeking peace with us beginning in February of this year, and by July, agreements had been concluded Egypt, Syria, and Transjordan. To my dismay, Israel ended the conflict with its territory increased by half and in control of most of the controversial areas of Palestine. As more Jews immigrated into Israel, around 700,000 Arab Palestinians have fled into Transjordan, where Israelis seized their property.

The fighting has stopped for now, but no one would be right to say that the conflict is over. In fact, I must admit that the Middle East problem has just begun. I cannot say what will happen next, but I do know that I will never give up on the power of the Arab nations, and I’m sure that many other Arabians feel the same.


[1] Abd al Rahman Azzam, “The Arabs are the Nation of the Future,” al-Arab (1932).

[2] Syria, Transjordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Egypt, and Yemen. "Pact of the Arab League." In Axelrod, Alan, and Charles L. Phillips. Encyclopedia of Historical Treaties and Alliances: From the 1930s to the Present, vol. 2. New York: Facts on File, Inc., 2006.

1923 Egypt's Early Independence

Written by an Egyptian Lawyer/Revolutionary

I have to admit that I didn’t really think anything of the British Protectorate during World War I. I showed few signs of relentlessness, and I was able to tolerate the British
administrators as a wartime measure. However, there was soon talk from others about sending a Wafd, or delegation, to express our demands to the world at a peace conference. I soon heard of Saad Zaghlul, who became disillusioned with British rule, like many others, and put forth the
plan of creating a formal delegation. In fact, I even met Saad, for he became a lawyer like myself after studying law in France. When the British made allegations that the delegation did not represent all of the people, petitions began to circulate throughout Egypt, and about 100,00 people
signed, including myself, authorizing the Wafd to speak for them. I remember that just signing the petition made us feel somewhat involved in the independence struggle. Soon after, the British tried exiling Saad, and we became extremely infuriated. I went on strike along with other lawyers, judges, and government employees. Together, we looted shops, blew up railroad tracks, cut telegraph wires, and even burnt down buildings. Every time I think about the violent revolution, I realize how lucky I am to be alive, for dozens of rioters were killed, injured, or arrested daily. The British managed to put an end to the rebellion by reinforcing their police and sending Egypt General Edmund Allenby, who promptly called on Egyptians to negotiate steps to restore peace. All I knew was that the last thing I wanted was the British Protectorate to continue.
It was about two years ago that the British government realized that the Egyptian people would no longer accept its protectorate. Britain’s King Fuad appointed a new government headed by Adli Yakan, a rival of Saad Zaghlul. Saad himself returned from exile in Paris and we gave him a thunderous welcome. Saad stirred up demonstrations against Adli, believing that he alone could negotiate with the British. Meanwhile, Allenby tried to make a compromise that both sides would accept. Instead, the British exiled Saad for a second time, this time for more than a year. This action triggered new strikes and riots, for Saad had become to must of us Egyptians, a symbol of our national dignity.
Finally, on February 28, 1922, just over a year ago, the British government issued a formal statement ending its protectorate and declaring Egypt and independent sovereign state. But there were four points were left up for further discussion including the security of British Empire communications in Egypt, Egypt’s defense against foreign aggression or interference, the protection of foreign interests and minorities in Egypt, and finally, the status of the Sudan. We might not have obtained the complete independence demanded by the Wafd but it was still a huge step forward for Egypt as a whole.
Since then, a numerous amount of changes have taken place in the country both economically and culturally. First, and Egyptian capitalist named Talaat founded a giant financial institution, Bank Misr, which set up and financed an Egyptian-owned textile factory, the first step towards Egypt’s economic independence. Egypt has also made progress towards cultural independence. Egypt has become the leader of Arab pop culture. Recording studios have been opened and several film companies have produced silent movies. Arabic newspapers and magazines have increased rapidly in number, as well as more published books than in all other Arab capitals combined.
Although these cultural advances are important, I find political struggles to remain most important. There is still tension with the British, but they wish to resolve their political problems just as much as we do. Following Britain’s declaration of Egypt’s independence, a group of Egyptian scholars wrote a constitution that has finally been accepted by the Egyptian government last month. This has given me hope that our nation is on its way to complete independence. However, I have heard that King Faud refers to the document as, “that Communist Constitution,” despite the fact that it empowered him to appoint prime ministers, veto legislation, and dissolve parliament.
I can only hope that the British soon release the limits placed on our country’s independence. Both sides wish to resolve the political issues, but it seems to be so difficult to make an agreement. One thing is for sure, with both sides having opposing ideas and desires, it might be a very long time until an agreement is reached, or the British power is removed from Egypt.