With the huge conflict going on with Israel, others forgot about Egypt’s relation with other Arab countries, which were just as problematic. After Syria’s withdrawal from the UAR, I now felt isolated within the Arab world. Under its revolutionary leader, Abd al-Karim Qasim, Iraq was a fierce rival up until two years ago. Jordan and Saudi Arabia, as monarchies, opposed republican socialism and Syria criticized Egypt and the Arab League. Yunisi and Libya have always been opposed to my idea, and Morocco under King Hasen II was joining them. Anyone would be able to feel my pain, as I was extremely discouraged at this point.
However, when Algeria won its independence in June 1962, after a bitter eight-year war against France, President Ahmad Ben Bella became a firm ally of mine. I also began to gain new allies in 1963, when successive military coups brought Baathists to power in Iraq and Syria. Requests from these new regimes convinced me to start talks to revive the United Arab Republic. However, despite our shared commitment to Arab unity and socialism, we differed on the terms of their union. I tried to prove to them that with our larger populations and longer commitment to Arab socialism, Egypt deserved more power. Angered, I had no choice but to distrust the Syrian Baathists, for they had sabotaged the earlier UAR. On the other hand, I became fond of Iraq’s new leader, Abd al-Salam Arif, who had brokedn with Qasim to promote Arab unity, and suffered exile and imprisonment. But then even Iraq’s Baathists began to reject my ideas, so I reluctantly put off this new federation. Sooner or later, I felt that Iraq, Syria, and Egypt were driven away.
But sooner or later, I learned that the cause of Arab unity was better served by its enemy’s actions rather than by those of its friends. In other words, Arab unity was granted as the Arab nations worked together to defend themselves from Israel. Israel had begun its National Water Carrier Project, utilizing Lake Tiberias to irrigate farms and bring water to its cities, towns, and new settlements. Then, in 1954, President Eisanhower had sent special request to the Middle East to promote a plan for developing the Jordan River valley and sharing its water among Israel, Jordan, and Syria. Of course, the Arab state rejected the plan politically because it would mean recognizing Israel. But two years ago, Israel began enjoying what would have been its share of Jordan River waters under the plan, alarming the Arab nations.
Knowing there was not too much we could do about the situation. I called a summit meeting of all Arab kings and other heads of state. I somehow managed to convince them that they were not ready to fight Israel. We agreed to study ways to redirect the Jordan Rivers’ sources in Syria and Lebanon so that Israel could not take our water, but overall the meeting didn’t achieve anything concrete.
Early last year, I was pleased when the UAR adopted a new constitution and held elections for the local, provincial, and national councils of the Arab Socialist Union. All delegates had to be over thirty years old and able to read and write, and at least half had to be workers of peasants. However, this was a high-minded goal for a country most of whose population was illiterate. I couldn’t help but become upset when I noticed that many of the Free Officers were leaving the UAR cabinet, possibly because they opposed Arab Socialism, wanted more freedom, or saw greater opportunities for advancement outside the government. In addition to this, I was disappointed that the new ministers were mostly leaders who lacked an independent power base.
At the moment, things are not looking too good for the country, with tensions present between both Egypt and Arab nations, and Israel. I can only hope that we become more successful, and that Arab unity becomes stronger.
